希拉里在夏威夷关于亚太地区的演讲
从经济上来说,我们已经密不可分。美国公司每年向亚太国家输出价值3200亿美元的货物和服务,创造千百万份待遇优厚的工作。我国数十万军人为亚太地区提供安全,这项任务我国军队已承担了几代人的时间。正如国防部长罗伯特∙盖茨指出,美国在亚洲不是一个来去匆匆的大国,而是一个长驻大国。
And conversely, Asia is an important presence in the United States. More than 13 million Americans trace their ancestry to this part of the world. Asian countries that were destitute a generation ago now boast some of the highest living standards in the world. East Asia has already surpassed the Millennium Development Goal of reducing extreme poverty to half its 1990 levels by 2015.
反之亦然,亚洲在美国的影响也很重要。这个地区是1300多万美国人的祖籍地。一代人以前还十分贫困的一些亚洲国家现在跻身于生活水平最高的国家行列。东亚已经超过了到2015年将极端贫困人口在1990年基础上减少一半的千年发展目标。
Asia is also indispensable to meeting global security and humanitarian challenges. Asian nations are helping to prevent nuclear proliferation in Iran, build schools and clinics in Afghanistan, keep peace in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and combat piracy off the Horn of Africa.
亚洲在应对全球安全和人道挑战方面也是必不可少的。亚洲国家正在帮助防止在伊朗发生核扩散,在阿富汗建立学校和诊所,在刚果民主共和国维持和平,在非洲之角海域打击海盗活动。
Yet at the same time, Asia’s progress is not guaranteed. Asia is home not only to rising powers, but also to isolated regimes; not only to longstanding challenges, but also uNPRecedented threats. The dangers of nuclear proliferation, military competition, natural disasters, violent extremism, financial crises, climate change, and disease transcend national borders and pose a common risk.
但同时,亚洲的进步并非已成定局。亚洲不仅有新兴大国,而且有被孤立的政权;不仅面临长期存在的挑战,而且面临前所未有的威胁。核扩散、军备竞赛、自然灾害、暴力极端主义、金融危机、气候变化和疾病等危险都不受国境的限制,而构成共同的风险。
And we must acknowledge that different countries in the Asia-Pacific region face their own different challenges. Some have made more progress politically than economically, and others the reverse. Some are consolidating reforms, others are struggling with ongoing or renewed instability. Regional cooperation must account for these diverse challenges and create more opportunities for broad-based prosperity and political progress.
我们必须承认,亚太地区的不同国家面临各自不同的挑战。有些国家在政治上取得了比经济上更大的进步,而另一些国家则相反。有些国家正在巩固改革成果,而另一些国家正在持续不断或死灰复燃的动荡中挣扎。地区合作必须考虑到这些不同的挑战,并为大范围的繁荣与政治进步创造更多的机会。
A core strategic fact is that this region confronts these challenges and opportunities with a dynamic mix of influential actors, from rising powers like China and India, to traditional leaders like Japan, South Korea, and Australia, to the increasingly influential states of Southeast Asia, like Indonesia. And the United States not only continues to have dynamic and durable bilateral ties, but plays a central role in helping to deal with the difficulties that individual states and this region confront. This new landscape requires us to build an institutional architecture that maximizes our prospects for effective cooperation, builds trust, and reduces the friction of competition.
从战略上看来,一个核心事实是:这个地区在面对上述挑战与机遇时,不断变化着的各类行为体正在发挥影响力,既有中国和印度这样的新兴大国,又有日本、韩国和澳大利亚这样在过去一直领先的国家,还有像印度尼西亚这样影响力与日俱增的东南亚国家。美国不仅继续拥有能动、持久的双边关系,而且在帮助各国及整个地区应对其困难方面也发挥主要作用。这种新局面要求我们必须搭建新的机构性架构,以最有效地实现合作前景,建立互信,减少竞争摩擦。
For years, Asian leaders have talked about strengthening regional cooperation, and Asia’s economic, political and security architecture is evolving. Regional institutions have already played a significant part in Asia’s evolution. Yet looking forward, we know that they can – and I would argue must – work better. That’s a common message I have heard from many of my conversations with Asian leaders and citizens during this past year. There is now the possibility for greater regional cooperation, and there is also a greater imperative.
多年来,亚洲国家领导人一直在谈论加强地区合作,而亚洲的经济、政治和安全架构也在演变之中。地区性机构在亚洲的演变中已经发挥了重要作用。然而展望未来,我们知道这些机构可以——我认为也必须——更好地发挥作用。这是我在过去一年中与很多亚洲国家领导人和普通百姓谈话时得到的共同信息。现在,不仅有可能,而且更有必要加强地区合作。
Now, like any architecture of this building and anywhere else, regional architecture among and between nations requires a firm foundation. And today, I would like to outline the principles that will define America’s continued engagement and leadership in the region, and our approach to issues of multilateral cooperation. In formulating this approach we have consulted widely with our Asia-Pacific partners, and these are discussions that I look forward to continuing during my upcoming trip and the months ahead.
现在,就像这座楼房和其他任何楼房的架构一样,国与国之间的地区架构也必须有一个坚实的基础。今天,我想概要地说明一下将指导美国继续与本地区进行积极接触和发挥领导作用的原则,以及我们处理多边合作问题的做法。在确定这种做法的过程中,我们与亚太伙伴进行了广泛的磋商,我还期待在我即将进行的访问中及今后几个月中继续就此进行讨论。
First, the United States' alliance relationships are the cornerstone of our regional involvement. The United States’ alliances with Japan, South Korea, Australia, Thailand, and the Philippines are among the most successful bilateral partnerships in modern history. The security and stability provided through these relationships have been critical to the region’s success and development. Our shared values and strategic interests enabled generations to grow up and prosper in a region largely at peace, and they remain key to maintaining stability and security. Our commitment to our bilateral relationships is entirely consistent with – and will enhance – Asia’s multilateral groupings.
首先,美国的同盟关系是我们进行地区参与的基石。美国与日本、韩国、澳大利亚、泰国及菲律宾的同盟关系都属于现代历史上最成功的双边伙伴合作关系。这些关系所促成的安全和稳定已成为该地区成功和发展的关键条件。我们共同的价值观和战略利益使几代人在这一基本上和平的地区成长和发展,它们对维持稳定与安全仍十分重要。我们在双边关系上的努力完全符合并将有助于加强亚洲的多边关系组合。
Beyond our treaty alliances, we are committed to strengthening relationships with other key players. We are pursuing a strategic dialogue with India, a strategic and economic dialogue with China, and a comprehensive partnership with Indonesia. We are working on strengthening our partnerships with newer partners like Vietnam and longstanding partners like Singapore. Strengthened multilateral cooperation should and must respect and build on our already proven bilateral partnerships.
除了我们通过条约建立的同盟之外,我们还致力于加强与其他主要参与国的关系。我们正在与印度开展战略对话,与中国进行战略与经济对话,与印尼建立全面伙伴合作关系。我们正在加强与越南等新合作伙伴以及新加坡等长期合作伙伴的关系。加强多边合作应该也必须尊重和发展久经考验的双边合作关系。
Second, regional institutions and efforts should work to advance our clear and increasingly shared objectives. These include enhancing security and stability, expanding economic opportunity and growth, and fostering democracy and human rights.
其次,地区性机构和努力应促进我们的明确并逐渐得到认同的目标。这些目标包括加强安全和稳定、扩大经济机会和发展、促进民主和人权。
To promote regional security, we must address nuclear proliferation, territorial disputes, and military competition – persistent threats of the 21st century.
为了推进地区安全,我们必须应对核扩散、领土争端和军备竞赛等问题,这些是二十一世纪将面临的持久威胁。
To advance economic opportunity, we must focus on lowering trade and investment barriers, improving market transparency, and promoting more balanced, inclusive, and sustainable patterns of economic growth. Regional organizations such as APEC have already shown considerable progress in these areas. In addition, the United States is engaging in the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade negotiations as a mechanism for improving linkages among many of the major Asia-Pacific economies.
为了增加经济机会,我们必须集中精力减少贸易和投资壁垒,提高市场透明度,推广更加平衡、包容、持久的经济增长模式。亚太经合组织等地区组织已在这些领域取得可观进展。除此,美国正在参与跨太平洋伙伴合作关系贸易谈判,并以此为机制改善许多主要亚太经济体之间的关系。
And to build on political progress, we must support efforts to protect human rights and promote open societies. We applaud ASEAN’s decision to establish a new Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights when the Association’s new charter went into effect in December of 2008. Over time, we hope the Commission and other regional initiatives will enhance respect for fundamental freedoms and human dignity throughout the region.
为了继续推动政治进步,我们必须支持保护人权和促进开放型社会的努力。我们赞赏东盟2008年12月在该组织新章程生效时决定成立新的跨政府人权委员会。我们希望,该委员会和其他地区性行动计划最终将有助于促进整个地区对基本自由和人类尊严的尊重。
Third, our institutions must be effective and be focused on delivering results. This has been a priority for President Obama and me since Day One. Because we believe that Asia’s rise over the past two decades has given the region an opportunity for progress that simply didn’t exist before.
第三,我们的机构必须具有效益并侧重于产生实效。这是奥巴马总统和我自从就职以来的一项重点目标。我们认为,过去20年中亚洲的崛起为该地区的进步创造了前所未有的机遇。
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