奥巴马在西点军校2014年毕业典礼上的演讲

In each case, we built coalitions to respond to a specific challenge. Now we need to do more to strengthen the institutions that can anticipate and prevent problems from spreading.

For example, NATO is the strongest alliance the world has ever known but we’re now working with NATO allies to meet new missions both within Europe, where our eastern allies must be reassured, but also beyond Europe’s borders, where our NATO allies must pull their weight to counterterrorism and respond to failed states and train a network of partners.

Likewise, the U.N. provides a platform to keep the peace in states torn apart by conflict. Now, we need to make sure that those nations who provide peacekeepers have the training and equipment to actually keep the peace so that we can prevent the type of killing we’ve seen in Congo and Sudan. We are going to deepen our investment in countries that support these peacekeeping missions because having other nations maintain order in their own neighborhoods lessens the need for us to put our own troops in harm’s way. It’s a smart investment. It’s the right way to lead. (Applause.)

Keep in mind, not all international norms relate directly to armed conflict. We have a serious problem with cyberattacks, which is why we’re working to shape and enforce rules of the road to secure our networks and our citizens. In the Asia Pacific, we’re supporting Southeast Asian nations as they negotiate a code of conduct with China on maritime disputes in the South China Sea, and we’re working to resolve these disputes through international law.

That spirit of cooperation needs to energize the global effort to combat climate change, a creeping national security crisis that will help shape your time in uniform, as we are called on to respond to refugee flows and natural disasters, and conflicts over water and food, which is why, next year, I intend to make sure America is out front in putting together a global framework to preserve our planet.

You see, American influence is always stronger when we lead by example. We cannot exempt ourselves from the rules that apply to everyone else. We can’t call on others to make commitments to combat climate change if a whole lot of our political leaders deny that it is taking place. We can’t try to resolve problems in the South China Sea when we have refused to make sure that the Law of the Sea Convention is ratified by the United States Senate, despite the fact that our top military leaders say the treaty advances our national security. That’s not leadership. That’s retreat. That’s not strength; that’s weakness. It would be utterly foreign to leaders like Roosevelt and Truman, Eisenhower and Kennedy.

I believe in American exceptionalism with every fiber of my being. But what makes us exceptional is not our ability to flout international norms and the rule of law; it is our willingness to affirm them through our actions.(Applause.)

And that’s why I will continue to push to close Gitmo, because American values and legal traditions do not permit the indefinite detention of people beyond our borders. (Applause.) That’s why we’re putting in place new restrictions on how America collects and uses intelligence -- because we will have fewer partners and be less effective if a perception takes hold that we’re conducting surveillance against ordinary citizens. (Applause.) America does not simply stand for stability or the absence of conflict, no matter what the cost; we stand for the more lasting peace that can only come through opportunity and freedom for people everywhere -- which brings me to the fourth and final element of American leadership: our willingness to act on behalf of human dignity.

America’s support for democracy and human rights goes beyond idealism; it is a matter of national security. Democracies are our closest friends and are far less likely to go to war. Economies based on free and open markets perform better and become markets for our goods. Respect for human rights is an antidote to instability and the grievances that fuel violence and terror.

A new century has brought no end to tyranny. In capitals around the globe -- including, unfortunately, some of America’s partners -- there has been a crackdown on civil society. The cancer of corruption has enriched too many governments and their cronies and enraged citizens from remote villages to iconic squares.

And watching these trends, or the violent upheavals in parts of the Arab world, it’s easy to be cynical. But remember that because of America’s efforts -- because of American diplomacy and foreign assistance, as well as the sacrifices of our military -- more people live under elected governments today than at any time in human history. Technology is empowering civil society in ways that no iron fist can control. New breakthroughs are lifting hundreds of millions of people out of poverty. And even the upheaval of the Arab world reflects the rejection of an authoritarian order that was anything but stable, and now offers the long-term prospect of more responsive and effective governance.

In countries like Egypt, we acknowledge that our relationship is anchored in security interests, from peace treaties to Israel to shared efforts against violent extremism. So we have not cut off cooperation with the new government, but we can and will persistently press for reforms that the Egyptian people have demanded.

And meanwhile, look at a country like Myanmar, which only a few years ago was an intractable dictatorship and hostile to the United States. Forty million people. Thanks to the enormous courage of the people in that country, and because we took the diplomatic initiative, American leadership, we have seen political reforms opening a once- closed society; a movement by Myanmar leadership away from partnership with North Korea in favor of engagement with America and our allies.

We’re now supporting reform and badly needed national reconciliation through assistance and investment, through coaxing and, at times, public criticism. And progress there could be reversed, but if Myanmar succeeds we will have gained a new partner without having fired a shot -- American leadership.

In each of these cases, we should not expect change to happen overnight. That’s why we form alliances -- not only with governments, but also with ordinary people. For unlike other nations, America is not afraid of individual empowerment. We are strengthened by it. We’re strengthened by civil society. We’re strengthened by a free press. We’re strengthened by striving entrepreneurs and small businesses. We’re strengthened by educational exchange and opportunity for all people and women and girls. That’s who we are. That’s what we represent. (Applause.)

I saw that through a trip to Africa last year, where American assistance has made possible the prospect of an AIDS-free generation, while helping Africans care themselves for their sick. We’re helping farmers get their products to market to feed populations once endangered by famine. We aim to double access to electricity in sub- Saharan Africa so people are connected to the promise of the global economy. And all this creates new partners and shrinks the space for terrorism and conflict.

Now, tragically, no American security operation can eradicate the threat posed by an extremist group like Boko Haram -- the group that kidnapped those girls.

And that’s we have to focus not just on rescuing those girls right away, but also on supporting Nigerian efforts to educate its youth. This should be one of the hard-earned lessons of Iraq and Afghanistan, where our military became the strongest advocate for diplomacy and development. They understood that foreign assistance is not an afterthought -- something nice to do apart from our national defense, apart from our national security. It is part of what makes us strong.

Now, ultimately, global leadership requires us to see the world as it is, with all its danger and uncertainty. We have to be prepared for the worst, prepared for every contingency, but American leadership also requires us to see the world as it should be -- a place where the aspirations of individual human beings really matters, where hopes and not just fears govern; where the truths written into our founding documents can steer the currents of history in the direction of justice. And we cannot do that without you.

Class of 2014, you have taken this time to prepare on the quiet banks of the Hudson. You leave this place to carry forward a legacy that no other military in human history can claim. You do so as part of a team that extends beyond your units or even our Armed Forces, for in the course of your service, you will work as a team with diplomats and development experts.

You’ll get to know allies and train partners. And you will embody what it means for America to lead the world.

Next week I will go to Normandy to honor the men who stormed the beaches there. And while it’s hard for many Americans to comprehend the courage and sense of duty that guided those who boarded small ships, it’s familiar to you. At West Point, you define what it means to be a patriot.

Three years ago Gavin White graduated from this academy. He then served in Afghanistan. Like the soldiers who came before him, Gavin was in a foreign land, helping people he’d never met, putting himself in harm’s way for the sake of his community and his family and the folks back home. Gavin lost one of his legs in an attack. I met him last year at Walter Reed. He was wounded but just as determined as the day that he arrived here at West Point. And he developed a simple goal. Today his sister Morgan will graduate. And true to his promise, Gavin will be there to stand and exchange salutes with her. (Cheers, applause.)

We have been through a long season of war. We have faced trials that were not foreseen and we’ve seen divisions about how to move forward. But there is something in Gavin’s character, there is something in the American character, that will always triumph.

Leaving here, you carry with you the respect of your fellow citizens. You will represent a nation with history and hope on our side. Your charge now is not only to protect our country, but to do what is right and just. As your commander in chief, I know you will. May God bless you. May God bless our men and women in uniform. And may God bless the United States of America. (Cheers, applause.)
   对于不同的事件，我们会建立不同的联盟以应对不同的挑战。现在我们需要做更多来加强这些机构预测和预防问题扩散的能力。

比如，众所周知，北大西洋公约组织是世界上最强大的联盟之一，但是我们现在同它进行合作，以应对其在欧洲内部和其他地区的新任务。在欧洲内部，我们的东部盟国必须获得保护。而在其他地区，我们北大西洋公约组织的盟国也必须有效地进行反恐活动，帮助失利的国家并培养我们的伙伴国。

 

同样地，联合国提供了一个平台，以维护那些因冲突而分裂的国家的和平。现在，我们需要确保那些提供了维和人员的国家已接受了训练，配齐了装备，能够真正维护和平，这样我们就能防止我们在刚果和苏丹看到的那种杀戮。我们会加大对这些支持维和行动国家的投资。因为令其他国家用自己的力量维持自己地盘的秩序，可以减少我们使用武力造成伤害的必要性。这是智慧的投资。这也是我们正确的领导之路。（掌声雷动）

但是要记住，不是所有的国际准则都与军事冲突直接相关。我们面临着网络黑客攻击问题，这也是我们致力于实施和加强在网络中的行为准则，以保护我们的互联网和我们的公民的原因。在亚太地区，我们支持东南亚国家同中国协商在中国南海海事纠纷中的行为准则，同时我们也支持通过国际法解决这些纠纷。

我们需要用合作的精神激励全球努力应对气候变化，这是一个日益严重的国家安全危机，决定你们从军期间的整体形势。我们要应对难民流动、自然灾害，水资源和食物的问题。这也是我下一年计划确保美国能够带头建立一个保护我们星球的全球框架的原因。

大家知道，但凡美国以身说法，实现领导，美国的影响力就会加大。大家都普遍遵循的规则，我们不能不遵守；如果我们多数领导人否认气候变化这一事实，我们也就无法号召大家齐心协力，共对气候变化。虽然我国军方高层领导人都认为《海洋法公约》的通过会提高我国的国家安全，但如果我们无法确保美国参议院通过该公约，我们也就无法解决中国南海问题。这都不是领导，是退缩；不是强大，是软弱。这与罗斯福，杜鲁门，艾森豪威尔，肯尼迪等领导人的风格截然相反。

我对美国例外主义深信不疑。但让我们例外的并不是美国通过实际行动重申国际准则与国际法，而是我们愿意通过实际行动彰显这些国际准则。（掌声）

这是我坚持推进关闭关塔那摩监狱的原因，美国价值观与法律传统不容许在美国境外无限期关押人员。（掌声）这是我们近来限制美国情报收集与使用方式的原因，如果美国一意孤行，继续监控普通民众的话，美国的合作伙伴势必会减少，效率势必会更为低下。（掌声）美国并不支持不惜任何代价维护稳定或消除冲突；我们支持拥护唯有机遇与自由可以为世界各国人民带来的更为持久的和平。这是我要谈的美国领导力量的第四个、也是最后一个要素，那就是我们愿为人类尊严而努力奋斗。

美国对民主与人权的主张胜过对理想主义的追求；这是关乎国家安全的大计。民主国家是美国最亲密的盟友，民主国家绝不可能走向战争。基于自由开放的经济体发挥着更加积极的作用，也逐渐成为我国产品的目的市场。尊重人权有利于改善动荡局势，缓和不满情绪，遏制暴力及恐怖的滋生。

新世纪早已到来，暴政却还未终结。不幸地，在一些国家，包括美国的伙伴国家在内，镇压依然存在于公民社会中。腐败的毒瘤养富了政府官员及其裙带密友，但也激怒了全国各地的普通民众。

想想这些现实潮流，想想阿拉伯世界的暴力动乱，我们很容易变得愤世嫉俗。但要记住，是美国的努力奋斗，美国的外交政策，美国的对外援助，还有美国军人的无私奉献，使得更多人在民选政府的管理之下安居乐业，这在历史上无可比拟。科技赋予公民社会更多权利，这也是铁臂金刚所控制不了的。得益于科技新突破，千百万人摆脱贫困。甚至是阿拉伯世界的动乱也反映了人们对动荡独裁秩序的摒弃，也产生了对一个更为有求必应的更有效率政府管理的长期愿景。

在埃及这样的国家，我们承认从和平条约到与以色列共同对抗暴力极端主义等安全利益方面，我们的关系停滞不前。我们没有切断与埃及新政府的往来合作，但我们有能力，也会坚持推进埃及人民要求的各项改革措施。

同时，再看看缅甸，仅仅几年前还是顽固独裁之地，还对美国持敌对态度。多亏四千万缅甸人的巨大勇气，多亏美国主动开启的外交之旅，多亏美国领导力量的共同作用，我们看到了可喜的政治变革，看到了一个曾经闭关的社会重新开放；缅甸领导人避与朝鲜合作，为的是实现与美国及美国同盟更好的交流往来。

现在，通过投资援助、公开批评与感召劝服，我们支持缅甸改革、支持缅甸人民渴望的民族和解。发展进程可能会倒退逆转，如果不费一兵一卒，如果缅甸取得成功，我们也就多了个合作伙伴，这就是美国的领导力量。

任何时候我们不能指望改变一蹴而就。所以我们必须结盟，不仅与政府结盟，也与普通民众结成盟友。与其他国家不同，美国从不畏惧个人力量，而是从中汲取能量。公民社会，自由舆论，创业人才，小型企业，教育交流以及针对全社会面向妇女儿童敞开的机会之门无一不是我们的力量之源。这就是美国人，这才是美国梦。

去年的非洲之行让我看到美国向非洲伸出援手，治病救人，使得一代非洲人远离艾滋的愿景成为可能。我们帮助当地农民销售农产品，令倍受饥荒折磨的人们不再挨饿。我们为撒哈拉以南的非洲地区带去光明，让全球经济的累累硕果惠及当地百姓。如此一来，既催生了新的合作伙伴，也捣毁了恐怖主义与暴力冲突的温床。

遗憾的是，目前美国安全行动还未能根除由极端组织带来的威胁，例如绑架女童的博科圣地（Boko Haram）。

我们要做的不仅是解救被困女童，还应支持尼日利亚发展青年教育事业。我们在伊拉克与阿富汗的宝贵经验表明美军已成为外交与发展最强劲的倡导者。战士们都明白对外援助并非事后诸葛亮，而是和国防及国土安全一样不可偏废的崇高事业。我们也因此变得强大。

现在，最后我要说引领全球的使命要求我们直视这个充满危险与动荡的世界。除了未雨绸缪，防患于未然，我们别无选择，但这并不妨碍我们勾画未来世界的蓝图——人人心怀希望，凡事不再畏惧，让写入宪章的真理引领我们在通往正义的大道上勇往直前。这一切就看你们的了。

各位2014届毕业生，过去的你们是哈德逊河畔（西点军校所在地）的学子，而今后离开象牙塔的你们将承载这份荣耀延续美国军队的辉煌。作为部队的一员，每一位履行职责的你们终将汇聚成美国武装部队，因为在这一过程中，你们实际上是在同外交官与发展专家并肩作战。

你们将结识盟友，培养搭档，用你们的实际行动告诉世界对美国来说领导世界意味着什么。

下周，我将参加诺曼底登陆70周年纪念活动。尽管许多美国人难以对诺曼底号船员的魄力与责任感感同身受，但是你们可以。在西点军校，爱国者的形象由你们来塑造。

3年前，加文•怀特（Gavin White）从西点毕业，前往阿富汗服役。和每一位投身阿富汗前线的士兵一样，加文背井离乡，帮助素未谋面的当地人，为了军队，家人和美国人民的利益不辞劳苦。加文在一次战斗中不幸失去一条腿。去年我在沃尔特•里德(Walter Reed)陆军医疗中心见过他。尽管负了伤，他仍然像刚进西点时一样，不忘初心，并且立下另一个志愿。 今天，他的妹妹摩根（Morgan）也将从这里毕业。加文终于能够兑现当初的承诺，和妹妹互敬军礼。

我们经历了战争的洗礼，经受过突如其来的考验，开辟出前进的道路。但是有一样东西烙在加文的骨子里，镌刻在美国人与生俱来的品质中，使得我们所向披靡。

你们心系祖国人民，离开西点。你们代表的是一个历经风雨，踌躇满志的美国。你们的使命不仅是保家卫国，更是伸张正义。身为最高统帅，我对你们充满信心。愿上帝保佑你们，保佑美国公民，保佑美利坚合众国。（欢呼，掌声）