经济学人下载:日本经济,使命在身

Japan's economy
日本经济

On a mission
使命在身

A rare reformist zeal is emerging in post-quake Japan. The government ignores it at the country’s peril
震后日本出现了少见的改革热情。政府不顾国家安危，对此置若罔闻

THERE is something awe-inspiring about the Japanese on a mission. During Golden Week holidays this month, thousands of volunteers helped to sift through the muddy wreckage left by the March tsunami. Stricken roads, bullet trains and factories have returned to normal with astonishing speed. In people’s ardour to rebuild, once-taboo ideas are emerging on how to reform and deregulate not just the damaged areas but the country at large (see article). The government urgently needs to develop a sense of mission, too.

重任在身的日本确实有令人敬畏之处。就在这个月的黄金周假期期间，数千名志愿者帮助清理三月海啸留下的废墟。受灾道路、高铁和工厂都以惊人速度恢复正常运转。与人民的重建热情共同高涨的，还有一度被视为禁忌的观念，即：如何对受灾地区、甚至对全国进行改革，解除管制（见文章）。政府当前也亟需树立使命感。

日本工业生产与过去相比的变动幅度

The combined power of a quake, tsunami and full-scale nuclear accident has jolted whatever sense of complacency the Japanese had about the resilience of their country. The ham-fisted efforts of Tokyo Electric Power (TEPCO) to stem the crisis at the Fukushima Dai-ichi nuclear-power plant have exposed the company for what it is: an inept monopoly so big it could co-opt or run rings around its regulators. It should be broken up. Meanwhile, the smashed-up fishing fleets and sea-swamped rice paddies in the north-east have prompted discussion on bringing private investment into these heavily protected areas which no longer provide a future for the young. Many are championing the idea of special economic zones in the north-east, which would free the area from the cat’s cradle of rules imposed from Tokyo that hamper free enterprise. All of these are good ideas. But they will wither unless the central government throws its weight squarely behind them.

地震、海啸和大规模核事故的联合效应已动摇了日本人民所谓的对国家应对灾害能力的自负信心。东京电力公司为遏制福岛核电站危机所做出的拙手笨脚的努力充分暴露了公司的本质：一个无能的垄断巨头，它既可以增补管理人员，又可以在处事能力上遥遥领先于管理人员。公司应当解体。同时，日本东北部被摧毁的捕鱼“舰队”和被海水吞噬的稻田引发讨论，要求吸引私人投资进入这些严重保护的领域，因为它们不能再保证年轻人的未来生活。许多人都在提倡在东北部设立经济特区，从而使这一地区摆脱东京制定的各种繁文缛节，因为正是这些妨碍了自由经营活动。以上诸种倡议均是良策。但除非中央政府鼎力支持这些措施，否则它们都将夭折。

For much of the crisis, Naoto Kan, the prime minister, has been a sadly withdrawn figure. Yet when he does show leadership, the public responds. His popularity, though low, rose this month after he unexpectedly pressed for the closure of the nuclear-power plant nearest to Tokyo because it sits on a fault line. He has won plaudits for suspending plans to build more nuclear facilities. No doubt he could do more to accelerate an emergency ??10 trillion ($123 billion) plan for rebuilding damaged parts of the Tohoku region if he were not faced by a “Bring Down Kan” campaign within the opposition and even his own party. But he must get around such pettiness.

在大部分危机时期内，日本首相菅直人一直是悲伤地离群索居的形象。然而当它真正展现号召力时，公众便积极回应。福岛核电站距东京最近，且正处断层线上，菅直人出人意料地施压，关闭了距东京最近的福岛核电站，因为该核电站正处断层线上。菅直人的民意支持率虽然很低，但本月支持率也借此上涨。他也因中止增建核设施而赢得一片掌声。倘若不是遭遇反对党和本党人士发动的“拉菅直人下马”运动，他定能进一步加快10万亿日元（1230亿美元）紧急方案的实施，以用于重建受灾的仙台地区。但他必须处理好这些琐碎杂事。