经济学人下载:法国艰难昔日的重演 其实不快乐

French rail strikes
法国铁路罢工

Unhappiness is the truth
其实不快乐

A rerun of Francehs bad old days tests the Socialist government's resolve
法国艰难昔日的重演是社会主义政府决心的试金石

The long march to work
上班长征路

IT WAS a deliciously French moment of exasperation. On June 16th a railway strike prompted public rage when it threatened to disrupt a national philosophy exam. On the sixth day of a rolling strike, unions at the SNCF national railway encroached on the first day of the baccalauréat school-leaving exam, a ritual that begins with a four-hour philosophy essay. As strikers downed tools and commuters battled to work, some 340,000 French teenagers were wrestling with the question “Do we live in order to be happy?”
这是一个有趣的法国愤怒时刻。6月16号，当一次铁路罢工影响到了全国性的哲学考试时，它触犯了众怒。在连续罢工的第六天，法国国营铁路公司（SNCF）工会在中学毕业会考的首日开始了作乱，这一考试始于四小时的哲学论文。当罢工者停止工作，乘客奋力奔向公司时，约340,000名法国少年正在纠结：“我们活着是为了开心吗？”

If Fran?ois Hollande had been sitting the exam, he would surely have answered: “Fat chance as long as there are rail unions around.” A strike originally expected to be short-lived was extended on June 18th into its ninth day, the worst industrial action since he became president in 2012. On some days, more than half of TGV fast trains have been cancelled, as well as two-thirds of certain commuter trains in the Paris region. The SNCF management called it the worst strike for 13 years.
如果弗朗索瓦·奥朗德参加了那场考试的话，他绝对会答道：“只要有铁路公会存在，那就希望渺茫。”这一场原被认为会短命的罢工竟持续到了6月18号，已进行了九天，这是自奥朗德2012年当上总统以来发生的最严重的劳工行动。在某些日子里，超过一半的法国高速列车和约三分之二的巴黎通勤列车被取消了。法国国营铁路公司管理部门称之为13年来最严重的罢工。

The two unions behind it, the CGT, which is close to the Communist Party, and the even harder-talking SUD, are protesting against plans to merge two rail companies: the SNCF, which runs the trains, and RFF, the highly indebted firm that manages the tracks. After months of discussion, this reform went before parliament on June 17th. Nothing in the bill changes the special status of railway workers. But the unions suspect it will lead to changes in working practices and perks once the railways are opened up to competition in 2019.
幕后的两个工会，亲共党的法国总工会（CGT）和更难协商的法国干部总工会（SUD）正在抗议合并两家铁路公司的计划，这两家公司分别是运营列车的法国国营铁路公司(SNCF)和管理铁路、负债累累的法国铁路网公司（RFF）。经过数月的磋商后，这次改革于6月17号提交到了国会。法案中没有改变铁路工人特殊地位的条款，但工会怀疑一旦2019年铁路公开竞争，这将导致工作实践和津贴上的变化。

This conflict is the first big union-led test for Mr Hollande. Until now, the largest protest he has faced was over the legalisation of gay marriage. In fine tradition, he has booted the problem to his new prime minister, Manuel Valls, who has sounded tough, declaring that there is “no question” of shelving the reform. They are betting partly on union divisions to undermine the strike: Laurent Berger, leader of the CFDT, a big union which backs the reform, has accused those on strike of “contempt” for bac candidates. Mr Valls also has public opinion on his side. An overwhelming 76% say they oppose the strike. With the economy at a standstill and unemployment high, there is little sympathy for public-sector rail workers. The French are well aware that they get perks such as free tickets and that most train drivers retire at 50.
这次冲突是工会领导的第一次对奥朗德的大测试。直至目前，奥朗德面临过的最大抗议是关于同性婚姻立法的。按照优良传统，他将问题踢给了他的新首相曼纽尔·瓦尔斯。瓦尔斯听起来口气强硬，声明搁置改革完全“没问题”。他们将部分赌注放在了工会内部分裂、罢工渐渐停息上：支持改革的法国劳工民主联合会（CFDT）领导人劳伦·柏杰指责罢工是对考生们的“蔑视”。瓦尔斯也赢得了大众舆论，多达76%的人表示他们反对罢工。在经济停滞、失业率居高不下的情况下，公共部门的铁路工人难以获取大众同情。法国人很清楚铁路工人们享受着免票等的特殊待遇，多数火车司机50岁就退休。

Yet the reason this strike has hardened goes beyond railway reform. Paradoxically, it partly reflects union weakness. Grass-roots members are frustrated that industrial action has lost much of its punch. The sort of paralysing strikes once common in France have become rare. By law, public services must run a minimum service during strikes, and days of industrial action are no longer paid. Between 2005 and 2011, the number of days lost to strikes per 1,000 employees fell from 164 to 77. On the SNCF works council, support for the CGT has dropped from 44% ten years ago to 36% today. Thierry Lepaon, the CGT leader, faces intense pressure not to give up the fight.
然而罢工愈演愈烈的原因已不仅仅是铁路改革了。很自相矛盾的是，这在某种程度上反映了工会的弱点。草根成员对于劳工行动丧失了重大影响力而感到沮丧。这种曾在法国常见的瘫痪式罢工已变得鲜见。按照法律，在罢工期间，公共服务应提供基本的服务，劳工行动期间不发放工资。在2005年到2011年间，每1000雇员中将日子用在了罢工上的天数由164天降到了77天。在SNCF劳资委员会中，CGT的支持率由10年前的44%降到了今天的36%。CGT领导人蒂埃里·莱鲍面临着巨大的压力不能放弃抗争。

The conflict also seems to have crystallised broader discontent with the government. Some strikers talk of anger over its new business-friendly policies and austerity plans. So do part-time theatre workers, who are protesting against benefit changes. Mr Valls can ill afford to let the chaos continue. But, billed as a bold reformer, neither can he be seen to give in to his first protest on the streets.
这场冲突似乎也更广泛地具化了对政府的不满。一些罢工者愤怒声讨新的招商引资政策和紧缩计划。兼职戏剧工作者也在抗议着福利政策的变化。瓦尔斯无法承担让混乱继续的局面。但被视为大胆改革家的他也不会屈服于第一次面临的街头抗议。